Research Matters - to the Science Teacher
No. 8901
April 1, 1989
Changing and Measuring Attitudes in the Science
Classroom
by Thomas R. Kobella, Jr., Professor of Science
Education, University of Georgia, Athens, GA
Introduction
Teachers realize the importance of how students feel about science
subjects and courses; nevertheless, they place little emphasis on
affective objectives. The affective domain is often neglected because
teachers have difficulty designing strategies to develop positive
attitudes among students and documenting their development. The
seemingly arbitrary use of terms associated with the affective domain
has further contributed to this neglect. Recent research provides
suitable guidelines to focus attention on this important domain.
The literature indicates that the affective domain related to
science education is primarily concerned with attitudes related to
science. The development of positive attitudes toward science has
long been viewed as a legitimate goal of science education. Science
curriculum developers have for some time sought to improve students'
attitudes toward science and scientists. Concern for student
attitudes toward science has also risen with regard to the
possibility of increasing enrollment in elective science courses by
improving attitudes toward science among adolescents.
Attitude and Related Concepts
The term attitude encompasses a wide range of affective behaviors
(e.g., prefer, accept, appreciate, and commit) and is due too loosely
and without basis by some writers. It is also applied in a number of
contexts and with a variety of meanings, which has led to
considerable confusion. Nevertheless, a distinct, yet complex
definition of attitude is emerging within the literature.
The most prominent quality is evaluating directionality, our
favorable or unfavorable feelings toward something. Some experts
contend that evaluation is the only element of attitude; the element
that our attitude instruments seem to measure. Attitudes are learned
either actively or vicariously, thus they can be taught. Because
attitudes are learned they are susceptible to change, but stable
enough to be enduring. Each attitude has an object and the changeable
mature of an attitude is tied to the specificity of the object. It is
harder to change one's attitude towards science, for example, than an
attitude toward dissecting a frog in biology class on Monday.
Attitude is also a correlate of behavior with personal, social, and
cognitive variables thought to influence their level of
consistency.
Other terms such as value, belief, interest, and opinion are often
confused with attitude. Values are rules that direct moral or ethical
decisions that are considered with right or wrong. They are broader
in scope than attitudes and unlike attitudes that range from positive
to negative, values seem to be always positive in nature. Truth,
beauty, goodness, liberty, equality, and justice are six values basic
to Western civilization cited by Mortimer Adler (1982). Recognized by
Shrigley, Koballa, and Simpson (1988) as values held by science
teachers are academic achievement, a pollution free environment, and
symmetry in nature. Values are considered more complex than attitudes
and are less easily changed.
Beliefs are the cognitive basis for attitudes. They provide
information for attitudes by linking objects and attributes. For
example, "Cotton is fluffy," is a belief with "cotton" serving as an
object and "fluffy" serving as an attribute. Information provided by
beliefs may be factual (e.g. copper is "malleable") or nonfactual
(e.g. the atomic bomb is the most important scientific breakthrough
for the 20th century). Nonfactual or evaluative beliefs differ little
from attitudes. A person has many more beliefs than attitudes and far
fewer values than either attitudes or beliefs.
An interest is a learned response of liking or preferring. It
involves the selection and ranking of responses along a like-dislike
continuum. Interests are directed toward activities and objects and
they are usually expressed by action verbs, such as reading a book or
playing football. Some writers have attempted to make a distinction
between interest and attitude with preferences from groups,
institutions, or objects. However, this distinction seems artificial.
In usage, the terms are essentially synonymous.
Usually manifested in the form of verbal expression, opinions are
more cognitive than attitudes. Opinions over the years have competed
for the position now firmly held by attitudes and have been used to
represent cognition, evaluation, and behavior. The terms opinion and
interest seem to serve no useful purpose as constructs for science
education research and communication with the evaluation of rather
distinct definitions for attitude, value, and belief. (A more
comprehensive analysis of attitude and other related concepts can be
found in the work of Shrigley, Kobella, and Simpson, 1988).
In addition to the terms just mentioned, science educators toil
with scientific attitudes, a concept that further adds to the
confusion. A cognitive concept, scientific attitudes are normally
associated with the mental processes of scientists, (e.g., curiosity,
rationality, and willingness to suspend judgement). Scientific
attitudes possess attributes thought to be either true or false and
do not express an evaluative quality. To lessen the semantic
confusion, scientific attitudes may be better labeled as "scientific
attributes".
Persuasion
For the most part, efforts to improve attitudes by science
educators have taken the form of learning science content or
comparing innovative forms of teaching with more traditional ones.
These efforts are similar to ones abandoned by attitude researchers
nearly fifty years ago. Recently, theoretical models derived from
social psychology have been employed in science education. Although
no options for improving science attitudes should be overlooked,
basing the study of attitudes on theoretical models derived from
social psychology seems to be a fruitful option. Suggesting that we
look to the social psychological literature for theoretical
rationales for attitude change are the key elements found in the
definition of attitude and a wealth of theoretical development.
Recognized by social psychologists are seven major approaches to
attitude change, with each approach subsuming numerous related
theoretical models (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986). Conditioning and
modeling, message-learning, judgmental, motivational, attributional,
combinatory, and self-persuasion are the seven approaches. Petty and
Cacioppo contend that the vehicle responsible for attitude change in
all of the approaches is persuasion, even though the approaches
differ in the outcomes that they specialize in explaining.
Persuasion refers to "any change in attitudes that results from
exposure to a communication" (Petty & Cacioppo, 1986, p. 5) and
embodies many aspects of teaching. Particularly when operationalized
by means of Hovland's (Hovland, Janis, & Kelley, 1953)
theoretical model, persuasion resembles classroom instruction.
Persuasion and instruction both involve communication which includes
giving arguments and evidence for the purpose of getting someone to
believe something or to do something. Nevertheless, the use of
persuasion as a vehicle for attitude change is suspected to have
prompted much trepidation among educators. Bloom, Hastings, and
Madaus (1971) contend that neglect of the affective domain is in part
due to the fear of indoctrinating or brainwashing students when
teaching to achieve affective outcomes.
Persuasion is easily distinguished from indoctrination and
brainwashing. Persuasion depicts a situation which is marked by the
conscious intent of the source to persuade and in which both the
source and receiver function as active agents in the persuasion
process. The aim of persuasion, like that of instruction, is to
establish certain beliefs (and attitudes) so that they are held in
conjunction with their foundation in argument and evidence. The
recipient of a persuasive appeal is always free to accept or reject
it; the same is not true for indoctrination and brainwashing. Like
persuasion, indoctrination is concerned with the change and formation
of beliefs; they differ, however, in that in persuasion the emphasis
is placed on the reasons for the belief as opposed to the content of
the belief. Much of what young children learn in school, public or
private, is implanted by indoctrination.
Brainwashing, as coined by journalist Edward hunter in the 1950s,
refers to the coercive techniques applied by the North Korean
military to obtain the cooperation and compliance of Allied Prisoners
of War. Unlike persuasion, brainwashing involves physical brutality,
psychological pressure, and intensive interrogation. Nevertheless,
brainwashing was found to be quite ineffective as a means of
ideological conversion. Of the several thousand Americans captured
during the Korean war and "brainwashed", fewer than 50 collaborated
with the enemy and fewer than 25 refused repatriation (Striker,
1984). Most of the men who originally refused repatriation later
returned home.
Numerous studies based on the persuasion paradigm have been
conducted over the last ten years primarily by a group of science
educators led by Robert L. Shrigley (see Shrigley & Koballa,
1987). Their studies were organized around the question, "Who says
what to whom how with what effect?" Using this question, they
investigated how attitude change (the effect, or the dependent
variable) is influenced by four stimuli (1) the source of the message
(who), (2) the message (what), (3) the channel through which the
message is delivered (how), and (4) the audience (whom). The
persistence (retention) of changed attitudes who also a part of many
of the studies. These research efforts led to the following
conclusions.
- Carefully designed belief-laden messages built on Hovland's
model can be used to change attitudes.
- Over the short-term, highly credible (expert and trustworthy)
sources enhance the effectiveness of persuasive messages.
- Longer treatment periods are not better. In fact, messages of
less than 30 minutes in length can change attitudes.
- Changes in attitudes are unrelated to gains in factual
information.
- Messages that present both sides of an issue are more
persuasive than those that present only one side.
- Anecdotal messages (containing vivid, concrete sensory
information) appear to be superior to data-summary messages
(containing aggregated, statistical data) in changing
attitudes.
- The channel by which a message is presented does not seem to
affect its persuasiveness. Videotape, audiotape, and printed
messages have been tried, without a clear advantage for one over
the others.
- The attitudes of males are more positive than those of
females.
- The effectiveness of persuasive message is not affective by
the recipient's self-esteem, intelligence, or level of cognitive
complexity.
- Attitude change and the persistence of attitude change are
related to recipient's self-generated thoughts to a persuasive
message, but not to his ability to recall message arguments.
Attitude Measurement
Inadequacies in the design of closed item questionnaires are often
blamed for the lack of consistent research findings regarding
science-related attitude. Since attitude is a construct that must be
measured indirectly, usually through self-report, it is imperative
that instruments used to assess attitudes be both reliable (i.e.,
produce consistent result) and valid (i.e. measure what you want to
measure). Mathematical computations to determine instrument
reliability are routine but the absence of a systematic plan for
establishing validity is a flaw common to most attitude instruments.
Establishing validity is a process that involves human judgement in
addition to statistical procedures according to Abdel-Gaid,
Trueblood, and Shrigley (1986). Heeding this warning, a number of
closed item attitude scales were developed. Likert scales and
semantic differential scales made up the majority of the
instruments.
Likert scales. A Likert scale consists of a series of
attitude statements that are clearly either positive or negative. A
wide range of scores is achieved by having respondents report the
intensity of an attitude. This is accomplished by having them
indicate their agreement with each statement on a 5-point scale.
The development and testing of Likert scales evolved alongside the
adaptation of Hovland's approach to the needs unique to science
education. The goal was to see how well scales with only 20 to 25
items could withstand the rigor of both quantitative and qualitative
analysis. Over the years a number of scales were developed as part of
research endeavors in this area. Unfortunately few of the scales are
appropriate for use by teachers with their classes, since, the
subjects of the research were primarily preservice and inservice
teachers.
Measuring the attitude objects on each of the scales developed are
positive and negative items similar to the one presented below that
appears on the Revised Science Attitude Scale (Thompson &
Shrigley, 1986):
I enjoy manipulating science equipment. (positive
statement)
|
(a) strongly agree
|
(b) agree
|
(c) undecided
|
(d) disagree
|
(e) strongly disagree
|
|
2
|
1
|
0
|
-1
|
-2
|
Semantic differential scales. A scale of this type consists
of a series of bipolar adjective pairs (e.g., good-bad,
beneficial-harmful) listed on opposite sides of a page with seven
spaces in between. The attitude object is identified at the top of
the scale and may be a word, statement, or picture. The respondent is
instructed to evaluate the attitude object by placing a mark in one
of the seven spaces between each adjective pair.
Development of semantic differential scales stems from the use of
Fishbein and Ajzen's theory of reasoned action to investigate
science-related attitudes. The theory is Fishbein and Ajzen's attempt
to deal with the weak link often observed between attitudes and
behaviors. Studies conducted within the framework of this theory have
had a substantial impact on the field of attitude research sine the
mid-1970s.
In their theory, Fishbein and Ajzen suggest that attitude measures
should focus on a person's attitude toward a behavior rather than on
the person's attitude toward particular objects. That is, instead of
asking about students' attitudes toward science, or computers,
teachers should assess their attitudes toward learning science or
writing Logo computer programs. The role of specificity in the model
is operationalized by the deliberate inclusion of four elements:
- action - reading
- target - my biology textbook
- context - during study hall, and
- time - for 15 minutes every day throughout the school
year.
Fishbein and Ajzen also identify another variable, operationalized
in a similar manner, which should be measured along with attitude
toward the behavior to facilitate behavioral prediction. The variable
is called subjective norm. It reflects the person's perception that
significant others think the behavior should or should not be
performed. Derived from a combination of the attitude and subjective
norm scores is a behavioral intention score, considered the best
predictor of actual behavior.
Measuring intention, attitude, and subjective norm with respect to
the behavior would require the use of semantic differential items
similar to the one modeled below:
I intend to read my biology textbook during study hall for 15
minutes every day throughout the school year.
|
Likely________
|
______
|
_______
|
______
|
_______
|
______
|
________unlikely
|
|
extremely
|
quite
|
slightly
|
neither
|
slightly
|
quite
|
extremely
|
|
3
|
2
|
1
|
0
|
-1
|
-2
|
-3
|
Few semantic differential scales have been developed that measure
the antecedents of science-related behaviors. Nevertheless, scales
based on the theory of reasoned action offer several advantages over
Likert scales. Their development and use us based on a systematic
theory of human behavior, the goal of which is to predict and
understand behavior. Clear distinctions are made between belief,
attitude, intention and behavior. Attitude is assumed to be a
function of all salient beliefs about the attitude object. As a
result, the refinement of measures by means of item analysis or to
assure unidimensionality by means of confirmatory factor analysis are
not required according to Ajzen and Fishbein (1980). Furthermore,
scales based on the theory of reasoned action are closely linked to
the development of belief-based, persuasive messages. Efforts to
develop and test Likert and semantic differential attitude scales led
to the following conclusions.
- Attitude instruments provide us with a convenient means of
assessing behavior. The only true reason for studying attitude is
its relationship to behavior.
- Without reliable and valid measures of attitude, assessing
attitude change is impossible.
- The phrase "monitor and modify" should be synonymous with the
use of any attitude scale. instrument reliability and valid data
are not static, but change from sample to sample and from one
administration to the next.
- Attitudes toward science cannot adequately predict nor provide
a satisfactory explanation of science-related behaviors. (Yet
investigators persist in measuring students' feelings about field
trips, working with science equipment, and six-week units on
electricity or ecology using scales that measure toward
science!)
- The prediction of behavioral intention, and hence behavior, is
improved when the elements of the attitudinal and behavioral
intention variables are calibrated at the same level of
specificity as the behavioral criterion.
- The use of semantic differential scales based on the theory of
reasoned action are preferred over Likert scales to predict and
understand behavior and to assess the effects of persuasion.
Teaching for Attitude Change
Affective objectives should be clearly identified and strategies
designed to achieve these objectives must be employed. Changing
attitudes using Hovland's model does not require treatments lasting
weeks or months; attitudes can be changed in as short a time as one
class period, provided that attention is paid to the variables
harbored within the question: Who says what to whom how with what
effect?
Who: the communicator. Cues discharged by
the communicator provide the message recipient with information
beyond the arguments and evidence presented in a message. A teacher
can enhance his credibility by the way he introduces himself to his
students. At the outset of an attempt to persuade students to handle
non-venomous snakes, for example, a teacher should describe past
activities in which he has handled non-venomous snakes (to appear
more qualified). In addition, he may wish to tell the students that
their failure to handle the snakes will not affect their class grades
or chances to participate in future class activities.
Because most persuasive communication situations are unlikely to
occur under conditions in which the speaker is suddenly made known to
his audience, people make judgments about the source before they
begin to process the message. As Bettinghaus (1968) points out, "it
is not the momentary exposure to the source at the time of message
transmission which is important, but the total set of impressions
from the time the receiver first becomes aware of the source" (p.
118). The teacher who wishes to become persuasive must act according
during his daily activities, not merely at the time the message is
delivered. Indeed, a communicator can impede attitude change when his
perceived credibility is low and help to facilitate attitude change
when credibility is high.
What: the message. An appropriate message
variable would be a brief, belief-laden communication describing for
adolescents reasons for not taking drugs. Teaching strategies
identified as innovative (e.g., museum tours, process skills,
self-paced and computer assisted instruction) when compared with
traditional teaching lack the necessary precision and would not
qualify as message variables in Hovland's model.
Achieving desired affective outcomes can be accomplished without
being indoctrinary by constructing messages that emphasize the
reasons for belief as opposed to the content of belief. If the
beliefs (and attitudes) for reasons that are good and sufficient,
messages that present both sides of a debatable issue (e.g.,
evolution, abortion, aluminum recycling) are essential.
Most people, scientists included, are more easily persuaded by
anecdotal, case histories than by aggregated, statistical data (like
that found in Consumer Reports). Explanations for the finding range
from the greater potency of concrete, vivid information over
abstract, pallid evidence to a lack of understanding of the
fundamentals of statistical inference. Teachers can take advantage of
the power of anecdotes by using personal testimonies to aid in the
learning of science principles. Also, teachers can use their
understanding of the power of anecdotes to curb reckless thinking
such as when students insist on generalizing in tubful proportions
from a thimble of facts.
How: the channel. Common sense might
suggest that the order of channel persuasiveness would be: live,
videotape, audiotape, and printed. But this does not always seem to
hold true. The effectiveness of the channel seems to be affected by
the complexity of the message (Chaiken & Eagley, 1976). An easily
comprehended message should engender the most attitude change when it
is live or videotaped and the least attitude change when it is
printed. However, printed media is likely to be the most effective
when the message is complex, because the reader can process it at his
own pace. Over all, printed messages are preferred because they are
easy to construct and can be reproduced with little chance of being
unintentionally altered.
Whom: the recipient. Unlike the
"hypodermic needle" approach to attitude change that guided research
and seemed to mold public opinion in the 1950s, current persuasion
theory suggests that humans are not passive and defenseless message
recipients who can be injected with a persuasive message that will
change their attitudes. As currently conceived, attitude change and
persistence are linked to the active participation of the recipient
as he elaborates upon the message's arguments and evidence. From this
constructivist framework, teachers should not expect unwavering
acceptance of the position advocated by a message because students
will respond to persuasion in terms of their preexisting perspectives
regarding the topic of the message.
With what effect: measurement. Because affective
objectives are important, they should be the focus of formal
evaluation. Formal evaluation may be carried out most easily with the
aid of closed item questionnaires, whether obtained or constructed.
Using instruments developed by others can save much time and can
provide the user an existing scale, one should check to see if it has
been tried and if the audience for which it has been designed matches
the intended audience. An existing instrument should also carry some
reliability and validity data. Depending on what data are available,
pilot testing and modifying the scale may be necessary before it can
be used.
If an existing scale cannot be found to meet a particular need
then one must be built. Abdel-Gaid and her colleagues (1986) provide
a fairly comprehensive report of the step-by-step Likert scale
building process. Explicit directions for building scales based upon
the theory of reasoned action are presented in Ajzen and Fishbein's
(1980) book, Understanding Attitudes and Predicting Social
Behavior. The development of an attitude scale is no easy task;
time and computer access are a must. However, the final product, a
reliable and valid attitude scale, will be worth the time and effort
invested.
Acknowledgement
Members of the research group whose findings and conclusions are
summarized in this report include: Lawrence Calhoun, Susan Demers,
Barbara Grabowski, Abdel Hassan, Thomas Kobella, Suzanne Miller,
Robert Shrigley, and Dennis Showers.
References
Abdel-Gaid, S., Trublood, C. R., & Shrigley, R. L. (1986). A
systematic procedure for constructing a valid microcomputer attitude
scale. Journal of Research in Science Teaching, 23(9),
823-839.
Adler, M. J. (1981). Six Great Ideas. New York:
Macmillan.
Ajzen, I., & Fishbein, M. (1980). Understanding attitudes
and predicting social behavior. Englewood Cliffs, NJ:
Prentice-Hall.
Bettinghaus, E. P. (1968). Persuasive communication. New
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learning. New York: McGraw Hill.
Chaiken, S., & Eagly, A. H. (1976). Communication modality as
a determinant of message persuasiveness and message
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Hovland, C. I., Janis, I. L., & Kelley, H. H. (1953).
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Petty, R. E., & Cacioppo, J. T. (1986). Communication and
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Shrigley, R. L., & Koballa, T. R., Jr. (1987). Applying a
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education. University Park: The Pennsylvania State University,
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Research Matters - to the Science
Teacher
is a publication of the National Association for
Research in Science Teaching
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